In the lead up to the conference in Annapolis, there is a certain tension in the air here in Ramallah. It's a little bit difficult to describe, but I'll try to illuminate the situation--with the caveat that a Palestinian who has been here for past peace process negotations might have a different take on the vibe.
First of all, the bar for Annapolis is low. Most people seem to think it's either a bad joke or a slap in the face, an insult to the intelligence of the people. You would be hard pressed to find someone who really expects the Annapolis conference to change anything. Israel and the leaders in the PA have not come to an agreement on terms before the conference, and that isn't expected to change in the next few days. I have heard some people suggest that the pattern in the past when negotiations have failed, there have been uprisings in the aftermath. However, in the past, there was hope for change. That isn't the case now. The general consensus is that none of the leaders have any political capital or leverage to create change, and the expectation seems to be another photo op with a lot of lip service.
What has changed is the police presence. There are twice as many PA police everywhere, and twice as many Israeli soldiers at checkpoints. They all seem to be a little edgy--especially the Israelis. Today, Ma'an News reported that thousands of Israeli troops will be dispatched to the urban areas in the West Bank tomorrow and for the duration of the conference. That will surely ratchet the tension up even higher.
Another change is movement control. There are more flying checkpoints, wait time at the regular checkpoints are increasing and closures are more frequent, and a couple weeks ago, barricades were installed to control the movement of people at Manara Square here in Ramallah. The barricades remind me of the temporary barricades that the NYPD uses to prevent large groups of people from gathering. Supposedly these are intended to keep the traffic moving, and I'm sure they will help, but they also will conveniently prevent organized protests at a popular gathering spot in Ramallah.
There seem to be a lot of crackdowns in the West Bank on Hamas in the last few weeks, and it is creating an internal tension to go along with the Israeli-Palestinian tension. It seems like every day, I hear about Hamas members being arrested. This, to an average American, sounds like a good thing--they're the "bad guys." However, here it's a bit more complicated. Hamas has popular support and has been democratically elected, and arresting its members creates divisions between Palestinians that could become explosive.
Then there is the "what happens if/when Annapolis fails" question. I don't really want to speculate, but it really can't result in anything good. An unscientific poll from Ma'an News seems to think that will mean increasing violence between Israelis and Palestinians. I don't want to even imagine that scenario.
It all makes me think that perhaps rather than letting leaders decide their fate, the people need to take matters into their own hands. If only it could be worked out under the olive trees over tea.
I'll leave you with an article by Gideon Levy in today's Haaretz. Powerful stuff, Gideon.
Demands of a thief
By Gideon Levy
The public discourse in Israel has momentarily awoken from its slumber. "To give or not to give," that is the Shakespearean question - "to make concessions" or "not to make concessions." It is good that initial signs of life in the Israeli public have emerged. It was worth going to Annapolis if only for this reason - but this discourse is baseless and distorted. Israel is not being asked "to give" anything to the Palestinians; it is only being asked to return - to return their stolen land and restore their trampled self-respect, along with their fundamental human rights and humanity. This is the primary core issue, the only one worthy of the title, and no one talks about it anymore.
No one is talking about morality anymore. Justice is also an archaic concept, a taboo that has deliberately been erased from all negotiations. Two and a half million people - farmers, merchants, lawyers, drivers, daydreaming teenage girls, love-smitten men, old people, women, children and combatants using violent means for a just cause - have all been living under a brutal boot for 40 years. Meanwhile, in our cafes and living rooms the conversation is over giving or not giving.
Lawyers, philosophers, writers, lecturers, intellectuals and rabbis, who are looked upon for basic knowledge about moral precepts, participate in this distorted discourse. What will they tell their children - after the occupation finally becomes a nightmare of the past - about the period in which they wielded influence? What will they say about their role in this? Israeli students stand at checkpoints as part of their army reserve duty, brutally deciding the fate of people, and then some rush off to lectures on ethics at university, forgetting what they did the previous day and what is being done in their names every single day. Intellectuals publish petitions, "to make concessions" or "not to make concessions," diverting attention from the core issue. There are stormy debates about corruption - whether Prime Minister Ehud Olmert is corrupt and how the Supreme Court is being undermined. But there is no discussion of the ultimate question: Isn't the occupation the greatest and most terrible corruption to have taken root here, overshadowing everything else?
Security officials are terrified about what would happen if we removed a checkpoint or released prisoners, like the whites in South Africa who whipped up a frenzy of fear about the "great slaughter" that would ensue if blacks were granted their rights. But these are not legitimate questions: The incarceration must be ended and the myriad of political prisoners should be released unconditionally. Just as a thief cannot present demands - neither preconditions nor any other terms - to the owner of the property he has robbed, Israel cannot present demands to the other side as long as the situation remains as it is.
Security? We must defend ourselves by defensive means. Those who do not believe that the only security we will enjoy will come from ending the occupation and from peace can entrench themselves in the army, and behind walls and fences. But we have no right to do what we are doing: Just as no one would conceive of killing the residents of an entire neighborhood, to harass and incarcerate it because of a few criminals living there, there is no justification for abusing an entire people in the name of our security. The question of whether ending the occupation would threaten or strengthen Israel's security is irrelevant. There are not, and cannot be, any preconditions for restoring justice.
No one will discuss this at Annapolis. Even if the real core issues were raised, they would focus on secondary questions - borders, Jerusalem and even refugees. But that would be escaping the main issue. After 40 years, one might have expected that the real core issue would finally be raised for honest and bold discussion: Does Israel have the moral right to continue the occupation? The world should have asked this long ago. The Palestinians should have focused only on this. And above all, we, who bear the guilt, should have been terribly troubled by the answer to this question.
Showing posts with label occupation. Show all posts
Showing posts with label occupation. Show all posts
Sunday, November 25, 2007
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Right to Enter
One of the many challenges of the occupation is the right to enter the West Bank and Gaza. Due to the fact that the PA is not a sovereign entity and the borders of the West Bank and Gaza are controlled by Israel, anyone who wishes to enter the West Bank or Gaza must obtain a visa from Israel.
Long term work visas in the occupied territories are difficult to come by...usually you have to work for a governmental organization like USAID to get one. Getting a Palestinian ID for permanent residence is even harder (if that's what you want). Spouses of Palestinians can usually (but not always) get a visa to stay, but still have to deal with the uncertainty of not knowing whether the visa will be renewed. (Many foreign passport holders don't want to give up their passport, but there are families that have made the commitment to living in Palestine who would like that option.)
Most foreign passport holders come on a tourist visa, which, depending on the point of entry and the mood of the person stamping your passport, can be as long as three months. However, many people are denied entry or are only given shorter visas (anywhere from a week or a month). When this happens, the result is disruption and separation. Often the people who are denied entry are long-term volunteers who are doing work in Palestinian civil society organizations or NGOs, or are Palestinians who hold foreign passports but want to contribute to Palestinian society by establishing businesses. They also often have family members in Palestine, and want to raise their families in Palestine with the support of a strong family community.
Denying these people the right to enter undermines the development of a strong Palestinian society. If a strong Palestinian society is likely to be more stable, secure and peaceful, wouldn't you think that it would be in the best interests of Israel to not only grant visas to the West Bank and Gaza--but to encourage them? It's hardly effective to deny them if your goal is peaceful coexistence alongside a viable Palestinian state...which raise's the question: What is Israel's reason for denying these visas and permits? If the problem is "abuse of tourist visas", then why not make it easier to get a work visa or temporary residence visa?
Recently, two of my friends have had visa problems. One was denied entry entirely at Ben Gurion, in spite of the fact that Israel normally reciprocates with the U.S., the other went to visit relatives after a death in the family and came back to receive only a one month stamp. The first one is now back in the U.S., the latter is now spending her time trying to get as much organized as possible before her visa expires, while also trying to figure out what the possibilities are of getting a visa extension or a long-term visa.
Losing them is/would be a loss for Palestine...and they are just two of many.
To learn more, visit Campaign for the Right of Entry/Re-Entry to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.
Long term work visas in the occupied territories are difficult to come by...usually you have to work for a governmental organization like USAID to get one. Getting a Palestinian ID for permanent residence is even harder (if that's what you want). Spouses of Palestinians can usually (but not always) get a visa to stay, but still have to deal with the uncertainty of not knowing whether the visa will be renewed. (Many foreign passport holders don't want to give up their passport, but there are families that have made the commitment to living in Palestine who would like that option.)
Most foreign passport holders come on a tourist visa, which, depending on the point of entry and the mood of the person stamping your passport, can be as long as three months. However, many people are denied entry or are only given shorter visas (anywhere from a week or a month). When this happens, the result is disruption and separation. Often the people who are denied entry are long-term volunteers who are doing work in Palestinian civil society organizations or NGOs, or are Palestinians who hold foreign passports but want to contribute to Palestinian society by establishing businesses. They also often have family members in Palestine, and want to raise their families in Palestine with the support of a strong family community.
Denying these people the right to enter undermines the development of a strong Palestinian society. If a strong Palestinian society is likely to be more stable, secure and peaceful, wouldn't you think that it would be in the best interests of Israel to not only grant visas to the West Bank and Gaza--but to encourage them? It's hardly effective to deny them if your goal is peaceful coexistence alongside a viable Palestinian state...which raise's the question: What is Israel's reason for denying these visas and permits? If the problem is "abuse of tourist visas", then why not make it easier to get a work visa or temporary residence visa?
Recently, two of my friends have had visa problems. One was denied entry entirely at Ben Gurion, in spite of the fact that Israel normally reciprocates with the U.S., the other went to visit relatives after a death in the family and came back to receive only a one month stamp. The first one is now back in the U.S., the latter is now spending her time trying to get as much organized as possible before her visa expires, while also trying to figure out what the possibilities are of getting a visa extension or a long-term visa.
Losing them is/would be a loss for Palestine...and they are just two of many.
To learn more, visit Campaign for the Right of Entry/Re-Entry to the Occupied Palestinian Territory.
Monday, November 12, 2007
One Thing At A Time
I've always been guilty of over-committing myself. I take on enough work and extra-curriculars for three people, then drive myself - and others - crazy with my efforts to get it all done to perfection (or at least what I saw as perfection) and/or watching things slip through the cracks.
My role at the Friends School was not particularly defined when I accepted it, I just knew that it was going to be a mix of teaching English, after-school programs, fundraising and curriculum development. Turns out, any of those areas could employ a half-dozen people, and I'm still only one woman. I also want to: learn Arabic, organize AVP workshops, develop an after-school program model/curriculum that uses the arts, education and community service as a medium for resolving conflict, and travel around Palestine and get to know the people, culture and history, so that when I come back to the U.S., I have lots of stories to tell. I would also like to coordinate a group of Palestinian educators and get them to develop a social studies curriculum on Palestine that meets the NCSS standards.
Anyone else developing an ulcer or migraine from reading this list?
-----
This weekend in Hebron we held the Alternatives to Violence Project advanced workshop. Overall, there were ups and downs to the workshop, but for me, the highlight of the weekend was going to the action at Qiryat Arba, a settlement near Hebron. (Settlements are not legal). I'm not sure "action" is the best word, but perhaps it works. I would call it a pragmatic act of peaceful resistance organized by Palestinians with solidarity from international volunteers. That's a wee bit cumbersome to say. There's a reason why I didn't wirte the slogans for demos!
Qiryat Arba is a settlement on the edge of Hebron. At the top of the hill near the Tomb of the Patriarchs, there are several buildings that have been taken over by settlers. In between the settlement and the buildings, there is a Palestinian family home and plot of land. The settlers want to confiscate the land in order to connect the settlement at the bottom of the hill with the buildings at the top of the hill, and are doing whatever they can to push the family out.
I spoke with several of the activists who were in solidarity with the family, and heard from them about the daily harassment of the Palestinian family. They tried to plant some olive trees there, but the settlers came and uprooted the seedlings. The settlers have also erected a structure on the land that they claim is a synagogue. According to some Israeli law, if the structure remains there for 10 years, it is considered a permanent structure.
To be honest, I didn't do much at the action. I took photos to document the events and was an international presence (often the presence of internationals reduces the probability of violence). Others helped with the removal of stones and other debris that the settlers have thrown onto the land, made simple repairs to some of the stone walls and terraces, grazing animals (another way to demonstrate proprietorship), and breaking up the land in preparation for planting.
The result was a clearing of the field, all done peacefully. Apparently before I arrived a crowd of settlers came to try to get the Palestinians to leave, but the Israeli police got them to leave. There were no altercations while I was there.
Lots of good work done.
My role at the Friends School was not particularly defined when I accepted it, I just knew that it was going to be a mix of teaching English, after-school programs, fundraising and curriculum development. Turns out, any of those areas could employ a half-dozen people, and I'm still only one woman. I also want to: learn Arabic, organize AVP workshops, develop an after-school program model/curriculum that uses the arts, education and community service as a medium for resolving conflict, and travel around Palestine and get to know the people, culture and history, so that when I come back to the U.S., I have lots of stories to tell. I would also like to coordinate a group of Palestinian educators and get them to develop a social studies curriculum on Palestine that meets the NCSS standards.
Anyone else developing an ulcer or migraine from reading this list?
-----
This weekend in Hebron we held the Alternatives to Violence Project advanced workshop. Overall, there were ups and downs to the workshop, but for me, the highlight of the weekend was going to the action at Qiryat Arba, a settlement near Hebron. (Settlements are not legal). I'm not sure "action" is the best word, but perhaps it works. I would call it a pragmatic act of peaceful resistance organized by Palestinians with solidarity from international volunteers. That's a wee bit cumbersome to say. There's a reason why I didn't wirte the slogans for demos!
Qiryat Arba is a settlement on the edge of Hebron. At the top of the hill near the Tomb of the Patriarchs, there are several buildings that have been taken over by settlers. In between the settlement and the buildings, there is a Palestinian family home and plot of land. The settlers want to confiscate the land in order to connect the settlement at the bottom of the hill with the buildings at the top of the hill, and are doing whatever they can to push the family out.
I spoke with several of the activists who were in solidarity with the family, and heard from them about the daily harassment of the Palestinian family. They tried to plant some olive trees there, but the settlers came and uprooted the seedlings. The settlers have also erected a structure on the land that they claim is a synagogue. According to some Israeli law, if the structure remains there for 10 years, it is considered a permanent structure.
To be honest, I didn't do much at the action. I took photos to document the events and was an international presence (often the presence of internationals reduces the probability of violence). Others helped with the removal of stones and other debris that the settlers have thrown onto the land, made simple repairs to some of the stone walls and terraces, grazing animals (another way to demonstrate proprietorship), and breaking up the land in preparation for planting.
The result was a clearing of the field, all done peacefully. Apparently before I arrived a crowd of settlers came to try to get the Palestinians to leave, but the Israeli police got them to leave. There were no altercations while I was there.
Lots of good work done.
Tuesday, November 6, 2007
TOEFL and Other Stories
When I found out that I was moving to Ramallah, I joined the Palestine network on FaceBook. It seemed like the logical pro-active step of someone moving 6,000 miles away from home to a place where I knew nobody: join a social network.
Shortly thereafter, I started getting Friend Requests from random Palestinians, some of which I accepted. I began the process of "getting to know" them via e-mail and the inane little applications that it offers, and sometimes even talking with people via Skype.
One particular Facebook friend was a guy from Gaza. He lives in Deir al Balah (in the central part of the Gaza Strip) in a typical Gazan home--a multi-family house--with his parents, brothers and sisters, and a few uncles and their families, and he attends the Islamic University of Gaza, where he studies computer science and education.
His family has, up until now, been more fortunate than many. They've had food (although meat is less common than it used to be), and between working odd jobs and borrowing money, he has managed to scrape together the money needed to keep him in school so that he can complete his studies in December. He dreams of going to a graduate school in Europe or the U.S. so that he cam get a MS in computer science and find a good job so that he can get married and start a family, and support his extended family.
Over the few months that I've e-mailed and spoken with him, the situation has deteriorated rapidly.
The summertime was difficult because of frequent power outages, which result in food spoilage and high levels of discomfort, plus the possibility for medical catastrophe if someone required electrical equipment for treatment. The plan to cut off the fuel as well means no cooking and no heat in the winter.
The computer store where my friend used to work no longer can get parts to do repairs, and the computer classes that he used to teach at a local community center have stopped--nobody can afford to pay for classes when more important things - food, bottled water, clothes - take precedence. The center can't afford to donate the lessons because they need to pay rent, and my friend can't afford to donate time because he needs to pay his tuition. Of course, there aren't really any jobs in Gaza any more--the economy is at a standstill because of the border closures. No goods come in. No goods go out.
Stress levels are, of course, through the roof, which exacerbates all kinds of health problems - and creates new ones. Several of my friends' family members have been in the hospital with stroke or other heart/blood pressure related problems, and there is little that the hospitals can do. Medical supplies are allowed into Gaza for now, but pills do little to help when there are Air Force jets flying overhead, and people are traumatized by every sonic boom.
My friend went to Amideast to find out about taking the TOEFL and GRE in order to prepare for graduate school applications, and found out that the exams and prep materials would cost around $400, which in Gaza, may as well be $4,000 or $4 Million. It's too much. And in Gaza, the equation might look like the following: no exam = no continuation of studies = no career opportunities abroad = no future = no hope.
So, can someone tell me again how this isolation of Gaza prevents terror? Because it seems like my friend, and the 1.5 million other people living there, are living in a pressure cooker...and the more people suffer, the more they want to resist. I consider it an act of extreme restraint that 1.5 million people haven't started marching towards the checkpoints to knock them down with handtools.
The isolation of Gaza does not compel the people to give up the fight, and when you have nothing to lose, it's easy to imagine doing something radical.
Shortly thereafter, I started getting Friend Requests from random Palestinians, some of which I accepted. I began the process of "getting to know" them via e-mail and the inane little applications that it offers, and sometimes even talking with people via Skype.
One particular Facebook friend was a guy from Gaza. He lives in Deir al Balah (in the central part of the Gaza Strip) in a typical Gazan home--a multi-family house--with his parents, brothers and sisters, and a few uncles and their families, and he attends the Islamic University of Gaza, where he studies computer science and education.
His family has, up until now, been more fortunate than many. They've had food (although meat is less common than it used to be), and between working odd jobs and borrowing money, he has managed to scrape together the money needed to keep him in school so that he can complete his studies in December. He dreams of going to a graduate school in Europe or the U.S. so that he cam get a MS in computer science and find a good job so that he can get married and start a family, and support his extended family.
Over the few months that I've e-mailed and spoken with him, the situation has deteriorated rapidly.
The summertime was difficult because of frequent power outages, which result in food spoilage and high levels of discomfort, plus the possibility for medical catastrophe if someone required electrical equipment for treatment. The plan to cut off the fuel as well means no cooking and no heat in the winter.
The computer store where my friend used to work no longer can get parts to do repairs, and the computer classes that he used to teach at a local community center have stopped--nobody can afford to pay for classes when more important things - food, bottled water, clothes - take precedence. The center can't afford to donate the lessons because they need to pay rent, and my friend can't afford to donate time because he needs to pay his tuition. Of course, there aren't really any jobs in Gaza any more--the economy is at a standstill because of the border closures. No goods come in. No goods go out.
Stress levels are, of course, through the roof, which exacerbates all kinds of health problems - and creates new ones. Several of my friends' family members have been in the hospital with stroke or other heart/blood pressure related problems, and there is little that the hospitals can do. Medical supplies are allowed into Gaza for now, but pills do little to help when there are Air Force jets flying overhead, and people are traumatized by every sonic boom.
My friend went to Amideast to find out about taking the TOEFL and GRE in order to prepare for graduate school applications, and found out that the exams and prep materials would cost around $400, which in Gaza, may as well be $4,000 or $4 Million. It's too much. And in Gaza, the equation might look like the following: no exam = no continuation of studies = no career opportunities abroad = no future = no hope.
So, can someone tell me again how this isolation of Gaza prevents terror? Because it seems like my friend, and the 1.5 million other people living there, are living in a pressure cooker...and the more people suffer, the more they want to resist. I consider it an act of extreme restraint that 1.5 million people haven't started marching towards the checkpoints to knock them down with handtools.
The isolation of Gaza does not compel the people to give up the fight, and when you have nothing to lose, it's easy to imagine doing something radical.
Friday, November 2, 2007
Hebron
Nayef Hahalamoun, prior to being assaulted for taking photos of demonstrations in Hebron. He is recovering from being struck in the hip by the soldier with the butt of his gun. - http://www.palestinetoday.org
Last weekend, I went to Hebron (Al Khalil, as it is called in Arabic). It is the largest city in Palestine, and one of the oldest. Hebron/Al Khalil is where Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, Leah, and Jacob are buried, aka the "Tomb of the Patriarchs" and as such, is sacred to people of all three Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam).
There is a small Israeli settler population in the Old City of Hebron (of about 700 people, compared to some 166,000 Palestinians) that have illegally occupied buildings there. They are aggressive towards the Palestinians, are ususally armed, and frequently behave in a hostile manner. The Israeli Army maintains forces within the city in order to protect the settlers, usually exacerbating the problems more than helping the situation. You can see hundreds of examples of the situation on YouTube by clicking here
Problems with the settlers in the city and the regular curfews and restrictions that occur as a result have made life in Hebron/Al Khalil very difficult for the Palestinians living there, and there are also additional problems that result from the Israeli settlement, Kiryat Arba that is adjacent to the city, near the Tomb of the Patriarchs.
As a result of all of these problems, there has been a long history of non-violent reistance to Israeli military occupation, collective punishment, settler harassment, home demolitions and land confiscation organized by local Palestinians and Palestinian civil society groups. They are supported by Israeli and international peace groups. Christian Peacemakers Teams, for example, has had a full-time presence there since 1995.
FI went to Hebron/Al Khalil to participate in an Alternatives to Violence Program Basic workshop with 16 Palestinians. I've taken the AVP Basic workshop before, so I got to assist the facilitators, Margaret & Ann. Eventually I will gain enough experience to co-facilitate AVP workshops here in Palestine with Palestinian co-facilitators (In Arabic, with translation in English for my benefit), doing all three levels and building the core team of facilitators.
AVP workshops are 15-20 hour experiential workshops devoted to the non-violent resolution of conflict by the transformation of oppressive power relationships. AVP is a deeply personal and experiential program that encourages participants to explore and express how they engage in violence and non-violence, personally and socially. AVP workshops create a learning environment where participants understand and begin to change their relationship to physical and psychological violence.
It seems like it would be a good fit for Palestinians, both in dealing with - and hopefully transforming and ending - the violence that they experience as a result of living under occupation, and also in dealing with the everyday violence that ALL societies deal with - domestic abuse, bullying, interpersonal conflicts, etc. I am working with the AVP team to help establish a strong core of Palestinian AVP trainers, so that they can bring it back to their communities - NGO’s, community groups, women’s organizations, social services agencies, youth rrganisations, prisons, spiritual communities, schools, government entities and all who would like to work non-violently against oppression. The possibilities are endless.
I thought that the workshop we did in Hebron was amazing, and I think that the other participants could see how it could be used in dealing with community problems that are exacerbated by the occupation. The one thing that I am finding challenging is dealing with the intensity of the occupation itself, and how that dynamic affects the workshop. It is such a difficult way to live, that finding a way to end the occupation is the number one thing that anyone who takes the workshop wants to address. They feel that they could manage social issues within their community if only they could end the occupation. Yet it is the most complicated and challenging experience of oppression to overcome. I think that an argument could be made for using these tools to do whatever it takes to make Palestinian society as strong and united as possible, and them using that collective unity to wage a non-violence campaign a la Gandhi and the Satyagraha against the British. That takes time though, and people are understandably impatient.
Is it possible to overcome a military occupation non-violently? I hope so...and I hope that I can help play some small part in it.
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